
In the past month, two former high-ranking northern office holders, Nasir el-Rufai and Abubakar Malami, have reportedly been arraigned by the EFCC and ICPC. Both men once occupied positions of immense power and influence under the Buhari administration: Malami as attorney-general of the federation, arguably the most powerful legal office in the country, and el-Rufai as governor of Kaduna state.
They now face serious allegations ranging from corruption to money laundering and other offences. These matters are, of course, before the courts, and it would be improper to comment on their merits. The rule of law demands nothing less.
What is, however, striking is the tone of grievance now being adopted by the same individuals who once sat at the commanding heights of state power. Allegations have been made that the EFCC acted without court orders in seizing property, while the ICPC has also been accused of heavy-handed conduct. Legal challenges and public complaints have followed.
This raises an uncomfortable but necessary question: when these men wielded authority, what did they do to strengthen the very institutions and safeguards they now question? What reforms were embedded to ensure that law enforcement agencies themselves operate strictly within constitutional bounds, insulated from abuse and political interference?
Nigeria’s deeper problem is not merely that institutions are weak. It is that power, once acquired, is rarely used to fix those weaknesses. Instead, it is often managed for immediate advantage, leaving the system unchanged—and in some cases, further eroded—for the next occupant.
The consequence is predictable. A cycle in which today’s enforcers become tomorrow’s complainants, and yesterday’s powerful men discover, often too late, the same imperfections they once ignored or enabled.
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Ordinary Nigerians remain the ultimate casualties of this institutional decay. Governance becomes transactional, accountability selective, and justice unevenly applied.
Until political leadership in Nigeria embraces genuine institutional reform—rather than the short-term consolidation of power—the rule of law will remain fragile, and history will continue its familiar, unbroken loop.
May God help us.
Ayodele Kusamotu can be contacted via ayo.kusamotu@kusamotu.com

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